Success in soundings: Red-green-red Phariseeism

One cannot help feeling that a mendacious spectacle is being played in the struggle for a new Berlin state government. The Greens and the Social Democrats are following the debates on the left with deep public concerns, only to then be all the more relieved to note that in the end they were still able to lead the party into the womb of the decent. After all, it is now black and white: The left in Berlin also recognizes Israel’s right to exist and wants to protect Jews in Germany. To gauge the Pharisaic nature of this exercise, it helps to imagine for a moment that the play was given on the other side of the political spectrum: The CDU is exploring a junior partnership with the AfD and justifies itself with the fact that the party has assured itself in writing to embrace the idea of diversity and to respect asylum law and climate protection. Scorn and indignation probably fell bucket-wise over the Union. Everything comes down to the fact that the SPD and the Greens are helping a party to the Red City Hall that has connections to the Islamist, anti-Semitic, left-wing extremist and even the clankriminal milieu. There is criticism that the left kisses “the asses of white Christian Zionists,” a post promptly liked by a left MP. Parties that imagine their democratic virtue should at least worry about this. But others weigh more. The aura of the provincial, which is attached to Berlin’s state politics, should not hide the fact that new terrain is being explored here – tolerated by the federal political leaders. The strategic interest of the Greens and Social Democrats is obvious. They want to expand the power options, also for the Bund. The aim is to get the people used to the left as a governing party. If even their irradiated Berlin state association can provide a mayor, the last hurdle would have fallen. The upcoming (and already today) strong woman of the SPD, Manuela Schwesig, promotes the salon maturity of the left for a long time. At the moment, under the applause of the self-appointed democratic centre, it forms its second coalition with the party – and this time also the Greens. In these, in turn, up to the Executive Board of the parliamentary group, the “progressive” alliance is promoted. The left is no longer seen as a majority procurer in distress, but as a project partner. Together you can “get a lot done”, enthused Katharina Dröge the other day. “And a large part of the country would say: Cool, finally something is happening.” How big this part really is remains to be seen, but it is targeted beyond the Berlin Landesbühne. Still, many voters are discouraged by the fact that the left not only causes fear in synagogues, but also among entrepreneurs, landlords and citizens who want a safe public space. But all this could come to the fore if it were possible for a red-green-red alliance to stage itself at federal level as a rescue front for democracy. This would be the case if the Chancellor were forced to renounce his coalition and seek new majorities. One has to judge the often destructive behavior of the SPD – from the delay in reform to the accusation of “inhumanity” to the Union – also against this background.